
FAIR is a non-profit organization dedicated to providing well-documented answers to criticisms of the doctrine, practice, and history of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
1: BoM translation—2: Polygamy and Polyandry—3: Polygamy forced?—4: Book of Abraham—5: "Lying for Lord"—6: Mark Hofmann—7: Blood atonement—8: First Vision—9: Sanitized history—10: "Not all truth is useful"—11: Angelic affidavits—12: Blacks and priesthood—13: Temple concerns—14: Evidence of Vikings—15: Adam-God—16: Kinderhook
Short Answer:
Why isn’t there all this specific evidence of Nephites and Lamanites? You know, I’m going to combine it with Indian DNA because the answers are really quite similar. You may be able to find some evidence of Viking culture on the coast, but if Vikings went to the new world many, many times, you probably can’t find evidence of all the people who went there.
As you know, there are cultural ruins all over the Americas. The question is, were these Book of Mormon peoples or not? Some people have tried to answer that using the DNA to say maybe these were Book of Mormon people, maybe they were not. Are there any DNA experts here? I’m gonna give you my best short answer on DNA.
—Elder Turley's response to this question at the Sweden fireside.
A telling case in point is communicated in the archaeology of Nubia, the area up the Nile from Egypt. See William Y. Adams et al., “On the Argument from Ceramics to History: A Challenge Based on Evidence from Medieval Nubia,” Current Anthropology 20/4 (1979): 727–44. This research found that when extensive archaeological data are compared with the substantial historical record for the area, “a close connection between the two cannot safely be assumed” (p. 727). Thus, “if we were to allow pottery to define the major turning points in Nubian cultural history, . . . each of the major [ceramic groupings] would tell us a different story, and none of these would be historically accurate” (p. 733). For example, the Nubian archaeological record fails to make at all clear the changes (including the instituting of human sacrifice) shown by the documents as having taken place after the waning of Egyptian dynastic influence around [AD] 350. And of the rapid conversion to Christianity recognized as having taken place in the sixth century ad, archaeology has left no hint. — Sorenson, Mormon's Codex (2003), chapter 1, note 18.
If we were searching for Christians in Nubia, or human sacrifice in Nubia, archaeology would lead us to deny they happened. Yet, written records tell us that both did. This problem plagues the New World even more:
were it not for the written record, conquest as the major variable in the expansion of the Aztec state would never have been known [to us]. Aztec history spanned some 200 years, and they conquered 250 major centers. These centers had their own tributaries [dominated communities]; therefore, they in essence conquered approximately 1,000 to 2,500 places. . . . But they placed governors and some of their own population at only eight of these conquered centers. [Only at those eight would there be any archaeological evidence for the Aztec conquest.]
Therefore, without the written record, how could we demonstrate [widespread] conquest? We could not.
This likewise means that conquests for the earliest states [those for which we have no written history] cannot be documented in the archaeological record. [Terry Stocker, “Conquest, Tribute and the Rise of the State,” in Studies in the Neolithic and Urban Revolutions: The V. Gordon Childe Colloquium, Mexico, 1986, ed. Linda Manzanilla, BAR International Series 349 (Oxford: BAR, 1987), 367; emphasis in original. Cited in Sorenson, Mormon's Codex (2013), chapter 4. NEED PAGES]
This major theme of Aztec life is invisible in the archaeology; only when combined with written texts can we see it. The same is true of the Maya: "if we had to rely only on archaeological materials, we would dismiss as inconsequential one of the most important components [i.e., warfare] . . . of . . . [Maya] society" (David Webster, “Warfare and Status Rivalry: Lowland Maya and Polynesian Comparisons,” in Archaic States, ed. Gary M. Feinman and Joyce Marcus (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1998), 350–51; cited by Sorenson, Mormon's Codex, chapter 4, NEED PAGES).
In a similar way, we would have no way of knowing that Israelites were monotheists with much different religious ideas than their Canaanite neighbors without written texts. It is the Bible texts that distinguish a monotheistic keeper of the Law of Moses from a pagan Canaanite, not the pots and houses found in the dirt of archaeology. For the Book of Mormon time period, we don't have the texts--just what we find in the dirt.
There is also the problem of sampling: DNA studies have almost all focused on living samples, rather than ancient DNA. Ancient markers from the Middle East could be confused with later mixture after Columbus. The Lehite party was also small enough that a genetic signature would not be expected to persist. No studies have been performed to test the hypothesis that Lehites came to the New World, and it is not clear that enough is known at present to even perform one. Those who claim that DNA "disproves" the Book of Mormon are ignorant about the science and what it can and cannot tell us at present. There is a large literature on these matters.

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